帕特里克·亨利

生於弗吉尼亞漢諾威縣一農民家庭，年輕時務農，曾開過零售小店，後學法律，1760年取得律師資格證書，是弗吉尼亞殖民地最成功的律師之一，以機敏和演說技巧而著稱。1763年，他被選入弗吉尼亞議會，勇敢地為殖民地的權利進行辯護。1765年，在反對《印花稅法》的演說中，他說：“凱撒有他的布魯圖，查理一世有他的克倫威爾，喬治三世有……” (這時，他被一片“大逆不道！大逆不道！大逆不道!”的叫喊聲打斷。) “…但願我們能從他們的例子中獲益，如果這是大逆不道，那就讓它大逆不道吧！

1773年參與組建弗吉尼亞通訊委員會，1774-1776年為大陸會議代表，,發表過許多演說，是最激烈的反英代表。1775年3月在里士滿召開的第二屆弗吉尼亞代表大會上，提出一項強硬決議案，要求武裝弗吉尼亞民兵，與英國作戰，被普遍傳誦的警句“給我自由或者死亡”就出自他在這次大會上的演說。著名的《獨立宣言》他也是主要執筆者之一，後任弗吉尼亞軍總司令，1776-1779年和1784-1786年任弗吉尼亞州州長，1781-1784和1787-1790年為立法機構成員，1787年拒絕出席費城制憲會議，翌年在弗吉尼亞代表大會上反對批准《美國憲法》，政治上趨於保守。1799年發表演說，呼籲美國人民大團結。

亨利對美國獨立革命，尤其對人權法案有著不可替代的功績。他是不可置疑的英雄人物，美國的開創者之一。他堅持反對強大的中央政府，拒絕了華盛頓讓他擔任國務卿的邀請，還拒絕擔任最高法院的大法官等職位。有人說如果他的理念在當時得到實現，後來的內戰就不會發生了，因為按他的理念不會出現“國家統一”也就沒有維護國家統一的必要了。亨利是個堅持個人信念，不追逐名利的人，為此他得到了人們的敬佩。在看到了法國革命的瘋狂后，他的政治觀點有所改變，最終成為聯邦主義者，可惜太晚了，那些被他拒絕的政府職位都已有主了，而他也老了。

一七九九年六月六日，帕特里克亨利，這位名垂青史的“美國革命之舌”，走到了生命的盡頭。他被葬在弗吉尼亞的紅山，他家族的墓地。亨利是一位英雄，他不追求權勢名利，他是個不願受壓迫反抗暴政的英雄。難能可貴是，在他可以輕易獲得權勢的時候，為了自己的追求他選擇了拒絕。美國是世界上第一個真正意義上的現代國家。美國能有今天，正是因為它擁有帕特里克亨利這樣的英雄。

《不自由，毋寧死》這篇膾炙人口的演說在美國革命文獻史上佔有特殊地位。其時，北美殖民地正面臨歷史性抉擇——要麼拿起武器，爭取獨立；要麼妥協讓步，甘受奴役。亨利以敏銳的政治家眼光，飽滿的愛國激情，以鐵的事實駁斥了主和派的種種謬誤，闡述了武裝鬥爭的必要性和可能性。從此，“不自由，毋寧死”的口號激勵了千百萬北美人為自由獨立而戰，這篇演說也成為世界演說名篇。

不自由，毋寧死！（1775 年3 月23 日）

議長先生：

我比任何人更欽佩剛剛在議會上發言的先生們的愛國精神和才能。但是，對同一事物的看法往往因人而異。因此，儘管我的觀點與他們截然不同，我還是要毫無保留地、自由地予以闡述，並且希望不要因此而被視作對先生們的不敬。現在不是講客氣的時候。擺在會議代表們面前的問題關係到國家的存亡。我認為，這是關係到享受自由還是蒙受奴役的大問題，而且正由於它事關重大，我們的辯論就必須做到各抒己見。只有這樣，我們才有可能弄清事實真相，才能不辜負上帝和祖國賦予我們的重任。在這種時刻，如果怕冒犯別人而閉口不言，我認為就是叛國，就是對比世間所有國君更為神聖的上帝的不忠。

議長先生，對希望抱有幻覺是人的天性。我們易於閉起眼睛不願正視痛苦的現實，並傾聽海妖惑人的歌聲，讓她把我們化作禽獸。在為自由而進行艱苦卓絕的鬥爭中，這難道是有理智的人的作為嗎？難道我們願意成為對獲得自由這樣休戚相關的事視而不見，充耳不聞的人嗎？就我來說，無論在精神上有多麼痛苦，我仍然願意了解全部事實真相和最壞的事態，並為之做好充分準備。

我只有一盞指路明燈，那就是經驗之燈。除了過去的經驗，我沒有什麼別的方法可以判斷未來。而依據過去的經驗，我倒希望知道，10 年來英國政府的所作所為，憑什麼足以使各位先生有理由滿懷希望，並欣然用來安慰自己和議會？難道就是最近接受我們請願時的那種狡詐的微笑嗎？不要相信這種微笑，先生，事實已經證明它是你們腳邊的陷階。不要被人家的親吻出賣吧！請你們自問，接受我們請願時的和氣親善和遍布我們海陸疆域的大規模備戰如何能夠相稱？難道出於對我們的愛護與和解，有必要動用戰艦和軍隊嗎？難道我們流露過決不和解的願望，以至為了贏回我們的愛，而必須訴諸武力嗎？我們不要再欺騙自己了，先生。這些都是戰爭和征服的工具，是國王採取的最後論辯手段。我要請問先生們，這些戰爭部署如果不是為了迫使我們就範，那又意味著什麼？哪位先生能夠指出有其他動機？難道在世界的這一角，還有別的敵人值得大不列顛如此興師動眾，集結起龐大的海陸武裝嗎？不，先生們，沒有任何敵人了。一切都是針對我們的，而不是別人。他們是派來給我們套緊那條由英國政府長期以來鑄造的鎖鏈的。我們應該如何進行抵抗呢？還靠辯論嗎？先生，我們已經辯論了10 年了。難道還有什麼新的禦敵之策嗎？沒有了。我們已經從各方面經過了考慮，但一切都是枉然。難道我們還要苦苦哀告，卑詞乞求嗎？難道我們還有什麼更好的策略沒有使用過嗎？先生，我請求你們，千萬不要再自欺欺人了。為了阻止這場即將來臨的風暴，一切該做的都已經做了。我們請願過，我們抗議過，我們哀求過；我們曾拜倒在英王御座前，懇求他制止國會和內閣的殘暴行徑。可是，我們的請願受到蔑視，我們的抗議反而招致更多的鎮壓和侮辱，我們的哀求被置之不理，我們被輕蔑地從御座邊一腳踢開了。事到如今，我們怎麼還能沉迷於虛無縹緲的和平希望之中呢？沒有任何希望的餘地了。假如我們想獲得自由，並維護我們長期以來為之獻身的崇高權利，假如我們不願徹底放棄我們多年來的鬥爭，不獲全勝，決不收兵。那麼，我們就必須戰鬥！我再重複一遍，我們必須戰鬥！我們只有訴諸武力，只有求助於萬軍之主的上帝。

議長先生，他們說我們太弱小了，無法抵禦如此強大的敵人。但是我們何時才能強大起來？是下周，還是明年？難道要等到我們被徹底解除武裝，家家戶戶都駐紮英國士兵的時候？難道我們猶豫遲疑、無所作為就能積聚起力量嗎？難道我們高枕而卧，抱著虛幻的希望，待到敵人捆住了我們的手腳，就能找到有效的禦敵之策了嗎？先生們，只要我們能妥善地利用自然之神賜予我們的力量，我們就不弱小。一旦300 萬人民為了神聖的自由事業，在自己的國土上武裝起來，那麼任何敵人都無法戰勝我們。此外，我們並非孤軍作戰，公正的上帝主宰著各國的命運，他將號召朋友們為我們而戰。先生們，戰爭的勝利並非只屬於強者。它將屬於那些機警、主動和勇敢的人們。何況我們已經別無選擇。即使我們沒有骨氣，想退出戰鬥，也為時已晚。退路已經切斷，除非甘受屈辱和奴役。囚禁我們的枷鎖已經鑄成。叮鐺的鐐銬聲已經在波士頓草原上迴響。戰爭已經無可避免——讓它來吧！我重複一遍，先生，讓它來吧！企圖使事態得到緩和是徒勞的。各位先生可以高喊：和平！和平！但根本不存在和平。戰鬥實際上已經打響。從北方刮來的風暴將把武器的銼鏘迴響傳到我們耳中。我們的弟兄已經奔赴戰場！我們為什麼還要站在這裡袖手旁觀呢？先生們想要做什麼？他們會得到什麼？難道生命就這麼可貴，和平就這麼甜蜜，竟值得以鐐銬和奴役作為代價？全能的上帝啊，制止他們這樣做吧！我不知道別人會如何行事；至於我，不自由，毋寧死！

Mr. President,

No man thinks more highly than I do of the patriotism, as well as abilities, of the very worthy gentlemen who have just addressed the House. But different men often see the same subject in different lights; and, therefore, I hope it will not be thought disrespectful to those gentlemen if, entertaining as I do opinions of a character very opposite to theirs, I shall speak forth my sentiments freely and without reserve. This is no time for ceremony. The questing before the House is one of awful moment to this country. For my own part, I consider it as nothing less than a question of freedom or slavery; and in proportion to the magnitude of the subject ought to be the freedom of the debate. It is only in this way that we can hope to arrive at truth, and fulfill the great responsibility which we hold to God and our country. Should I keep back my opinions at such a time, through fear of giving offense, I should consider myself as guilty of treason towards my country, and of an act of disloyalty toward the Majesty of Heaven, which I revere above all earthly kings.

Mr. President, it is natural to man to indulge in the illusions of hope. We are apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth, and listen to the song of that siren till she transforms us into beasts. Is this the part of wise men, engaged in a great and arduous struggle for liberty? Are we disposed to be of the number of those who, having eyes, see not, and, having ears, hear not, the things which so nearly concern their temporal salvation? For my part, whatever anguish of spirit it may cost, I am willing to know the whole truth; to know the worst, and to provide for it.

I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided, and that is the lamp of experience. I know of no way of judging of the future but by the past. And judging by the past, I wish to know what there has been in the conduct of the British ministry for the last ten years to justify those hopes with which gentlemen have been pleased to solace themselves and the House. Is it that insidious smile with which our petition has been lately received? Trust it not, sir; it will prove a snare to your feet. Suffer not yourselves to be betrayed with a kiss. Ask yourselves how this gracious reception of our petition comports with those warlike preparations which cover our waters and darken our land. Are fleets and armies necessary to a work of love and reconciliation? Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled that force must be called in to win back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves, sir. These are the implements of war and subjugation; the last arguments to which kings resort. I ask gentlemen, sir, what means this martial array, if its purpose be not to force us to submission? Can gentlemen assign any other possible motive for it? Has Great Britain any enemy, in this quarter of the world, to call for all this accumulation of navies and armies? No, sir, she has none. They are meant for us: they can be meant for no other. They are sent over to bind and rivet upon us those chains which the British ministry have been so long forging. And what have we to oppose to them? Shall we try argument? Sir, we have been trying that for the last ten years. Have we anything new to offer upon the subject? Nothing. We have held the subject up in every light of which it is capable; but it has been all in vain. Shall we resort to entreaty and humble supplication? What terms shall we find which have not been already exhausted? Let us not, I beseech you, sir, deceive ourselves. Sir, we have done everything that could be done to avert the storm which is now coming on. We have petitioned; we have remonstrated; we have supplicated; we have prostrated ourselves before the throne, and have implored its interposition to arrest the tyrannical hands of the ministry and Parliament. Our petitions have been slighted; our remonstrances have produced additional violence and insult; our supplications have been disregarded; and we have been spurned, with contempt, from the foot of the throne! In vain, after these things, may we indulge the fond hope of peace and reconciliation. There is no longer any room for hope. If we wish to be free-- if we mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable privileges for which we have been so long contending--if we mean not basely to abandon the noble struggle in which we have been so long engaged, and which we have pledged ourselves never to abandon until the glorious object of our contest shall be obtained--we must fight! I repeat it, sir, we must fight! An appeal to arms and to the God of hosts is all that is left us!

They tell us, sir, that we are weak; unable to cope with so formidable an adversary. But when shall we be stronger? Will it be the next week, or the next year? Will it be when we are totally disarmed, and when a British guard shall be stationed in every house? Shall we gather strength by irresolution and inaction? Shall we acquire the means of effectual resistance by lying supinely on our backs and hugging the delusive phantom of hope, until our enemies shall have bound us hand and foot? Sir, we are not weak if we make a proper use of that means which the greatest God of nature hath placed in our power. Three millions of people, armed in the holy cause of liberty, and in such a country as that which we possess, are invincible by any force which our enemy can send against us. Besides, sir, we shall not fight our battles alone. There is a just God who presides over the destinies of nations, and who will raise up friends to fight our battles for us. The battle, sir, is not to the strong alone; it is to the vigilant, the active, the brave. Besides, sir, we have no election. If we were base enough to desire it, it is now too late to retire from the contest. There is no retreat but in submission and slavery! Our chains are forged! Their clanking may be heard on the plains of Boston! The war is inevitable--and let it come! I repeat it, sir, let it come.

It is in vain, sir, to extenuate the matter. Gentlemen may cry, Peace, Peace-- but there is no peace. The war is actually begun! The next gale that sweeps from the north will bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms! Our brethren are already in the field! Why stand we here idle? What is it that gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others may take; but as for me, give me liberty or give me death!

傳記：《自由之聲》

電影人物：魔鬼重地（即“索魂惡鳥”）白鯨（1998）