女權宣言

在歐洲大陸，女權運動的源頭一般被認為來自法國大革命自由平等思潮的影響。18世紀90年代，巴黎出現了一些女性的俱樂部，她們要求教育權和就業權，著名女權活動家瑪麗·戈茲（Marie Gouze，別名奧蘭普·德古熱）代表她的俱樂部發表了第一個“女權宣言”，主張自由平等的公平權利不能僅限於男性。她在法國大革命後期遇害，女權俱樂部也被解散。在以後的年代中，女性組織一再重組，但總是遇到男權社會的敵意，有時甚至激起暴力衝突。

無論是美國的《獨立宣言》，還是法國的《人權與公民權利宣言》，在文字上都有意 無意地表現出無視婦女的權利，結果所提倡的“人權”實際上僅限於男人的權利，也就是男性特權。例如，美國獨立宣言所使用的語言中，所謂人權的“人”表現為“男人”（man）或“男人們”（men）。同樣，在法國人權宣言中，“人”也是指“男人”（homme），而公民權中的“公民”也僅限於“男性公民（citoyen）。1791年法國憲法，又進一步從法律上將公民概念男性化。正是由於對法國人權宣言無視婦女權利的不滿反應，法國大革命時期的著名女權活動家奧蘭普·德古熱（0lympe de Gouges）女士，在1791年9月發表了《婦女和女公民權宣言》。

奧林拍·德·古傑（OlylnpedeGoUgdes）1789年提出了《女權宣言》，和《人權宣言》相抗衡。她在宣言中要求廢除一切男性特權，但不久她就被送上斷頭台。當時還出現了一些短命的刊物，少數婦女徒勞地從事政治活動。

Man, are you capable of being just? It is a woman who poses the question; you will not deprive her of that right at least. Tell me, what gives you sovereign empire to oppress my sex? Your strength? Your talents? Observe the Creator in his wisdom; survey in all her grandeur that nature with whom you seem to want to be in harmony, and give me, if you dare, an example of this tyrannical empire. Go back to animals, consult the elements, study plants, finally glance at all the modifications of organic matter, and surrender to the evidence when I offer you the means; search, probe, and distinguish, if you can, the sexes in the administration of nature. Everywhere you will find them mingled; everywhere they cooperate in harmonious togetherness in this immortal masterpiece.

男人，你們真的公正嗎？是女人提出了這個問題；你至少不能剝奪她提出問題的權利。告訴我，是誰給了你們壓迫我性別的權利？是你們的力量嗎？還是你們的才能？看看造物主的智慧；回顧那你們欲與之和諧共存的輝煌的大自然，然後，如果你們敢的話，“從自然界”給我“找出”一個像你們這樣暴虐統治的例子吧！回到動物當中看看，請教請教（化學）元素，研究研究植物，最後看一眼有機界的一切變異，然後，向我給你們的這些證據低頭認錯吧！如果你能的話，不如搜索一下，調查一下，區別一下，那自然界中的性別吧！在每一個角落，你都會看到它們聯繫（混合）在一起；在每一個角落，它們都在大自然（那永垂不朽的作品）當中和諧共存，共同合作。

Man alone has raised his exceptional circumstances to a principle. Bizarre, blind, bloated with science and degenerated - in a century of enlightenment and wisdom - into the crass est ignorance, he wants to command as a despot a sex which is in full possession of its intellectual faculties; he pretends to enjoy the Revolution and to claim his rights to equality in order to say nothing more about it.

男人自己已經把他們“相對與自然界的兩性平等”例外的狀況，當作一種“理所當然的”原則了。“他們”怪誕、盲目、因科技而自我膨脹、墮落——在一個啟蒙和智慧的世紀里——進入到最愚笨（不顧及他人感受的）的歧視當中，他們妄圖發號施令，就像一個暴君，一個壟斷著理性思維能力的性別；他們自命支持“法國”大革命，宣布他們的平等權利，以便於不必再說更多的話。（不必再顧及女人的權利）

Mothers, daughters, sisters [and] representatives of the nation demand to be constituted into a national assembly. Believing that ignorance, omission, or scorn for the rights of woman are the only causes of public misfortunes and of the corruption of governments, [the women] have resolved to set forth in a solemn declaration the natural, inalienable, and sacred rights of woman in order that this declaration, constantly exposed before all the members of the society, will ceaselessly remind them of their rights and duties; in order that the authoritative acts of women and the authoritative acts of men may be at any moment compared with and respectful of the purpose of all political institutions; and in order that citizens' demands, henceforth based on simple and incontestable principles, will always support the constitution, good morals, and the happiness of all.

Consequently, the sex that is as superior in beauty as it is in courage during the suffering of maternity recognized and declares in the presence and under the auspices of the Supreme Being, the following Rights of Woman and of Female Citizens.

母親們，女兒們，姐妹們，國家的這些代表們要求“取得”參加國民大會“的資格”。婦女們相信，歧視、忽視或對婦女權利的輕視是“婦女的”社會不幸和政府腐敗的唯一原因。她們決定，莊嚴宣告她們天賦的（自然的）、不可轉讓的神聖的婦女權利，以便於使這份經常性地對全體社會成員公開的宣言不斷地提醒婦女“意識到”自己的權利和義務；以便於婦女的權力行為（法案）（authoritativeacts）和男人的權力行為在任何時候都能相提並論，被鄭重（受尊重地）作為一切政治制度的目的；以便於使公民的要求，從今以後能夠建立在簡單和不可否認（無可爭辯）的原則的基礎上，能永遠支撐起憲法、良好道德和全體人民的幸福。

因此，那正受到母性束縛的、既美麗又勇敢的性別，在上帝的在場和支持下，認可並宣布女權和女公民權如下。

Article 1

Woman is born free and lives equal to man in her rights. Social distinctions can be based only on the common utility.

第一條

婦女生來就是自由的，在她們的權利方面和男人是平等的。（在權利方面，婦女生來而且始終是自由的，和男人是平等的。）社會分工（區別）只能建立在這一普遍原則（效用）的基礎上。（只有在公共利用上才顯出社會上的差別。）

Article 2

The purpose of any political association is the conservation of the natural and imprescriptible rights of woman and man; these rights are liberty, property, security, and especially resistance to oppression.

第二條

任何政治結合的目的都是為了保護婦女和男人的自然和不受時效限制（不可動搖）的權利；那就是：自由權、財產權、安全權，還有反抗壓迫的權利。

Article 3

The principle of all sovereignty rests essentially with the nation, which is nothing but the union of woman and man; no body and no individual can exercise any authority which does not come expressly from it [the nation].

第三條

任何主權的原則，根本上取決於人民（國家、民族），而人民不過是男人和女人的聯合體；沒有任何一個組織或個人可以行使未經人民明確授予的權利。

Article 4

Liberty and justice consist of restoring all that belongs to others; thus, the only limits on the exercise of the natural rights of woman are perpetual male tyranny; these limits are to be reformed by the laws of nature and reason.

第四條

自由和公正是指從事一切無害於他人的權利（由恢復所有其他人的東西組成的）；那麼，婦女行使她們自然權利的唯一限制，就是持續的男性暴政。這些限制將被自然法律和理性所革除。

Article 5

Laws of nature and reason proscribe all acts harmful to society; everything which is not prohibited by these wise and divine laws cannot be prevented, and no one can be constrained to do what they do not command.

第五條

“只有”自然法律和理性宣告一切對社會有害的行為；任何沒有被這些明智的、天賜的法律禁止的[事]都不受禁阻，而且任何人都不能被強迫去做法律沒有規定[他們去做的]事。

Article 6

The laws must be the expression of the general will; all female and male citizens must contribute either personally or through their representatives to its formation; it must be the same for all: male and female citizens, being equal in the eyes of the law, must be equally admitted to all honors, positions, and public employment according to their capacity and without other distinctions besides those of their virtues and talents.

第六條

法律必須代表（是）公意；每一個女性和男性公民都必須（有權）親自，或通過代表來參與立法；法律對任何人都應該是一樣的：無論是男性還是女性公民，在法律面前一律平等，對於任何榮譽、地位和公職都應該是平等的，只根據能力“授予”，不因他們的道德和才幹之外的區別“而有所差別”。

Article 7

No woman is an exception: she is accused, arrested, and detained in cases determined by law. Women, like men, obey this rigorous law.

第七條

沒有婦女例外：婦女只能根據法律被指控、逮捕和拘留。婦女和男人一樣，遵守嚴謹的法律。

Article 8

The law must establish only those penalties that are strictly and obviously necessary, and no one can be punished except by virtue of a law established and promulgated prior to the crime and legallyapplicable to women.

第八條

法律只能進行嚴格的、明顯是必需的處罰，而且除非由在犯罪之前制定並公布的、對婦女來說是合適的法律“處罰”，沒有人能被處罰（不能處罰任何人）。

Article 9

Once any woman is declared guilty, complete rigor is [to be] exercisedby the law.

第九條

即使任何婦女被宣布有罪，酷刑都應該被依法嚴懲。

Article 10

No one is to be disquieted for his very basic opinions; woman has the right to mount the scaffold; she must equally have the right to mount the rostrum, provided that her demonstrations do not disturb the legally established public order.

第十條

任何人都不能為他最基本的權利而憂慮（被干涉）；婦女有權登上絞刑台；她們必須享有平等的權利登上講台，只要她的演講不違反法定的公共秩序。

Article 11

The free communication of thoughts andopinions is one of the most precious rights of woman, since the liberty assuresthe recognition of children by their fathers. Any female citizen thus may sayfreely, I am the mother of a child which belongs to you, without being forcedby a barbarous prejudice to hide the truth; [an exception may be made] torespond to the abuse of this liberty in cases determined by the law.

第十一條

自由交流思想和觀點的權利，是婦女最寶貴的權利之一，既然這一自由使孩子認識他們的父親，那麼，任何女性公民[也]都可以自由地說，“我是你孩子的母親”，而不被野蠻的偏見強迫著隱藏這一事實；“除非是”法定的濫用這一自由權（言論自由）的行為，“才可以禁止”。

Article 12

The guarantee of the rights of woman and the female citizen implies amajor benefit; this guarantee must be instituted for the advantage of all, andnot for the particular benefit of those to whom it is entrusted.

第十二條

女權和女公民權的保證必然包含一項主要的利益；這一保證必須是為全體“婦女和女公民”制定的，而不是專門為了有利於被委託“制定這一保證”的人。

Article 13

For the support of the public force and the expenses of administration,the contributions of woman and man are equal; she share all the duties[corvees] and all the painful tasks; therefore, she must have the same share inthe distribution of positions, employments, offices, honors and jobs[industrie].

第十三條

為了支持公共武裝力量和行政管理支出，女人和男人的貢獻是平等的；婦女承擔所有“應承擔的”義務（徭役）和辛苦的工作；那麼，她們必須同樣享有在地位、職業、職務、榮譽和就業方面的“平等”分配。

Article 14

Female and male citizens have the right to verify, either by themselvesor through their representatives, the necessity of the public contribution.This can only apply to women if they are granted an equal share, not only ofwealth, but also of public administration, and in the determination of theproportion, the base, the collection, and the duration of the tax.

第十四條

女性和男性公民有核實公共捐款（賦稅）必要性的權利，無論是親自還是通過代表。賦稅只有在婦女得到平等的負擔——不僅是財產，還有公共管理——的情況下才能“徵收”，並且要由”女性和男性公民“決定它的稅率、客體（基礎）、徵收方式和持續時間。

Article 15

The collectivity of women, joined for taxpurposed to the aggregate of men, has the right to demand an accounting of hisadministration from any public agent.

第十五條

全體像男人那樣納稅的婦女，都有權要求知道任何公共部門的行政事務（要求政府向其報告工作）。

Article 16

第十六條

No society has a constitution without the guarantee of the rights andthe separation of powers; the constitution is null if the majority ofindividuals comprising the nation have not cooperated in drafting it.

任何社會都不會有一部沒有權力的分立和權利的保障的憲法；如果組織國家的大部分人沒有參與起草憲法，這部憲法就是無效的。

Article 17

Property belongs to both sexes whether united or separate; for each itis an inviolable and sacred right; no on can be deprived of it, since it is thetrue patrimony of nature, unless the legally determined public need obviouslydictates it, and then only with a just and prior indemnity.

第十七條

財產同屬於兩性，無論是共同的還是分開的；對任何人來說，這都是不可侵犯的神聖權利；任何人的財產都不能被剝奪，因為它是自然的真正遺產，除非是”出於“合法的既定公共需要的命令，而且必須要先有公平的補償”才能徵用他人的財產“。

Woman, wake up; the tocsin of reason is being heard throughout the whole universe; discover your rights. The powerful empire of nature is no longer surrounded by prejudice, fanaticism, superstition, and lies. The flame of truth has dispersed all the clouds of folly and usurpation. Enslaved man has multiplied his strength and needs recourse to yours to break his chains. Having become free, he has become unjust to his companion.

Oh, women,women! When will you cease to be blind? What advantage have you received from the Revolution? A more pronounced scorn, a more marked disdain. In the centuries of corruption you ruled only over the weakness of men. The reclamation of your patrimony, based on the wise decrees of nature - what have you to dread from such a fine undertaking? The bon mot of the legislator of the marriage of Cana? Do you fear that our French legislators, correctors of that morality, long ensnared by political practices now out of date, will only say again to you: women, what is there in common between you and us? Everything, you will have to answer.

If they persist in their weakness in putting this non sequitur in contradiction to their principles,courageously oppose the force of reason to the empty pretensions of superiority; unite yourselves beneath the standards of philosophy; deploy all the energy of your character,and you will soon see these haughty men,not groveling at your feet as servile adorers,but proud to share with you the treasures of the Supreme Being. Regardless of what barriers confront you, it is in your power to free yourselves; you have only to want to. Let us pass not to the shocking tableau of what you have been in society;and since national education is in question at this moment, let us see whether our wise legislators will think judiciously about the education of women.

婦女們，覺醒吧！全宇宙都能聽到理性的警鐘：發現你的權利。強大的自然帝國永遠不再是被偏見、狂熱、迷信和謊言包圍的了。真理的光芒已經驅散了一切愚蠢和篡奪的陰雲。被奴役男人們已經加強了他們的“革命”力量，他們需要你們幫助，來打破枷鎖。“但”自由之後，他們卻不公正地對待他們的夥伴。

啊，婦女，婦女！你們什麼時候才不再盲目？你們從大革命中得到了什麼好處？“只有”更多公然的蔑視，更多鮮明的輕視。在墮落的幾個世紀，你們僅僅統治著男人不足的地方。改造你們基於自然智慧的命令的遺產（指女權）——對這麼光輝的事業，你們怕什麼呢？南的婚姻立法者（摩西）的名言？還是怕被現在已經過時的政治慣例長期制約著的法國議員們，那些道德的匡正者們，僅僅對你們說：女人，你們和我們有什麼共同的地方呢？你們將不得不回答一切“問題”。

如果他們堅持把這與他們的原則相悖的謬論，那麼，勇敢地用理性的力量反對“男人”優越感的空虛自命吧！你們自己要聯合在哲學的標準下；施展你們品質的一切力量，很快你們就會看到，那些傲慢的男人，不再是跪在你們面前的愛慕者，而是會自豪地與你們共享上帝的珍寶。不論你們面前有多少障礙，自由是你們的權利！那是理所當然的（你們只要想得到）。讓我們忘掉過去你們在社會上令人震驚的地位吧；既然現在國民教育問題已經提上日程，讓我們看看我們明智的議員們會不會明智地想想婦女的教育問題。

Women have done more harm than good. Constraint and dissimulation have been their lot. What force has robbed them of, ruse returned to them; they had recourse to all the resources of their charms, and the most irreproachable persons did not resist them. Poison and the sword were both subject to them; they commanded in crime as in fortune. The French government, especially, depended throughout the centuries on the nocturnal administrations of women; the cabinet kept no secret from their indiscretion; ambassadorial post, command, ministry, presidency, pontificate, college of cardinals; finally, anything which characterizes the folly of men, profane and sacred, all have been subject to the cupidity and ambition of this sex, formerly contemptible and respected, and since the revolution, respectable and scorned.

婦女痛苦大於幸福（弊大於利）。約束和虛偽就是她們的命運。暴力和詭計從她們那裡搶走的東西；她們求助於她們的魅力資源，而最正直的人也沒有阻止這事（指搶奪）。毒藥和劍都用來使她們服從；他們在罪中發號施令，像是理所當然（像在機會中）。尤其是法國政府，數世紀以來，依賴於對婦女的夜間（性）統治；內閣毫不掩飾他們的輕率言行“壓迫婦女”；大使之位、命令權、部門“長官之位”、總統之位、教皇（主教）之位、紅衣主教的大學“都不對婦女開放”；最後，一切顯示出男人愚蠢特徵的事物，不論是世俗的還是宗教的，都源於（從屬於）這個性別的貪婪和野心，它們曾經是可鄙視的但受尊敬，而在大革命之後，則是可尊敬的但受鄙視。

In this sort of contradictory situation, what remarks could I not make! I have but a moment to make them, but this moment will fix the attention of the remotest posterity. Under the Old Regime, all was vicious, all was guilty; but could not the amelioration of conditions be perceived even in the substance of vices? A woman only had to be beautiful or amiable; when she possessed these two advantaged, she saw a hundred fortunes at her feet.If she did not profit from them, she had a bizarre character or a rare philosophy which made her scorn wealth; then she was deemed to be like a crazy woman; the most indecent made herself respected with gold; commerce in women was a kind of industry in the first class [of society], which, henceforth, will have no more credit.

If it still had it, the revolution would be lost, and under the new relationships we would always be corrupted; however, reason can always be deceived [into believing] that any other road to fortune is closed to the woman whom a man buys, like the slave on the African coasts. The difference is great; that is known. The slave is commanded by the master; but if the master gives her liberty without recompense, and at an age when the slave has lost all her charms, what will become of this unfortunate woman? the victim of scorn, even the doors of charity are closed to her; she is poor and old, they say; why did she not know how to make her fortune> Reason finds other examples that are even more touching.

A young, inexperienced woman, seduced by a man whom she loves, will abandon her parents to follow him; the ingrate will leave her after a few years, and the older she has become with him, the more inhuman is his inconstancy; is she has children, he will likewise abandon them. If he is rich, he will consider himself excused from sharing his fortune with his noble victims. If some involvement binds him to his duties, he will deny them, trusting that the laws will support him. If he is married, any other obligation loses its rights. Then what laws remain to extirpate vice all the way to its root? The law of dividing wealth and public administration between men and women. It can easily be seen that one who is born into a rich family gains very much from such equal sharing. But the one born into a poor family with merit and virtue - what is her lot? Poverty and opprobrium. If she does not precisely excel in music or painting, she cannot be admitted to any public function when she has all the capacity for it. I do not want to give only a sketch of things; I will go more deeply into this in the new edition of all my political writings, with notes, which I propose to give to the public in a few days.

在這種矛盾的情況下，我有什麼評論不能說的！我只有一次機會來評論，但這一機會將會引起最遠的後裔的注意。在舊政治制度下，一切都是邪惡的，一切都是有罪的；但是難道人們不能理解狀況的改善“的必要？”甚至在墮落的本質上嗎？女人只能是美麗而和藹的；有這兩種優勢的女人，門下會有巨大的幸福。如果一個女人沒有這兩種優勢（沒有得益於它們），她有怪誕的性格或使她鄙視財富的奇怪觀念，那麼她就會被認為像個瘋狂的女人；最下流的是，女人被當作金子一樣看待；女人的交易成了上流“社會”的一種產業，“而”這，從今以後，不會再是榮耀了。（上流社會裡，女人只要美麗和和藹，女人不應該有別的觀念；女人只是用來交易嫁娶的東西，女人就等同於“嫁妝”金子，女人的價值就是這樣。）

如果它仍然是的話，革命將會失敗，而在新的形勢（關係）下，我們將會永遠墮落。然而，理性常常被欺騙，“以至於”人們相信，女人沒有其他獲得幸福的機會，她們是男人買的，就像非洲海岸的奴隸。差別很大，我們都知道。奴隸由主人發號施令；但是如果主人無償給予她自由，是在這個奴隸已經失去了一切魅力的時候，“那麼”這個不幸的女人會遭遇什麼呢？“她是”歧視的受害者，甚至連慈善團體的大門都向她關閉：“她又窮又老”，他們說。為什麼她不知道如何獲得幸福呢？理性發現了其他更加感動“心靈”的例子。

一個年輕、沒經驗的婦女，被她所愛的男人勾引，願意拋棄父母去追隨他；但幾年後那個忘恩負義的人就會離開她，而且她越老，他的無情無義就會越冷漠。如果她有孩子，他也同樣會拋棄他們。如果他有錢，他會想到自己得免於和他高貴的受害者分享家產。如果有要求他負責的，他會拒絕它們，並相信法律會支持他。如果他是已婚的，任何其他的義務都會消失。這樣，法律要如何從根本上消滅墮落者？法律把男人和女人的財產和公共財產分開來開。顯而易見，從這樣的平均分配中，富家的“女”人得到了很多。可是窮人家的“女人”，“即使”她有功勞和道德——她會有什麼命運？貧窮和恥辱！如果不是恰好在音樂或美術上較好的話，縱然有能力，她也不會被任何公共集會接納。我不想只寫寫大略的東西（給一個梗概）；最近我會在我所有的政治文章的新版中深究這個問題，同時還有我對社會提出的建議的函件。

I take up my text again on the subject of morals. Marriage is the tomb of trust and love. The married woman can with impunity give bastards to her husband, and also give them the wealth which does not belong to them. The woman who is unmarried has only one feeble right; ancient and inhuman laws refuse to her for her children the right to the name and the wealth of their father; no new laws have been made in this matter. If it is considered a paradox and an impossibility on my part to try to give my sex an honorable and just consistency, I leave it to men to attain glory for dealing with this matter; but while we wait, the way can be prepared through national education, the restoration of morals, and conjugal conventions.

我繼續我關於道德問題的文章。婚姻是信任和愛情的墳墓。已婚的女人可以不受懲罰地給她們丈夫生私生子，給他們本不屬於他們的財產。“但”未婚的女人只有一點點虛弱的權利，古老而非人性的法律否定了給她們的孩子以他們的父親起名和繼承財產的權利，這方面還沒有法律規定。如果這算是一個悖論，且給我的性別以可敬的、公正一致的“權利”是我力所不能及的，那麼我把解決這一問題的光榮留給男人；但當我們等待時，隨著國民教育、道德重建和婚姻習俗，我們可以“逐步解決這個問題”。

Form for a Social Contract Between Man andWoman

We, ________ and _________, moved by our own will, unite ourselves for the duration of our lives, and for the duration of our mutual inclinations, under the following conditions: We intend and wish to make our wealth communal, meanwhile reserving to ourselves the right to divide it in favor of our children and of those toward whom we might have a particular inclination, mutually recognizing that our property belongs directly to our children, from whatever bed they come,and that all of them without distinction have the right to bear the name of the fathers and mothers who have acknowledged them, and we are charged to subscribe to the law which punished the renunciation of one's own blood. We likewise obligate ourselves, in case of separation, to divide our wealth and to set aside in advance the portion the law indicates for our children, and in the event of a perfect union, the one who dies will divest himself of half his property in his children's favor, and if one dies childless, the survivor will inherit by right, unless the dying personhas disposed of half the common property in favor of one who he judged deserving.

為了男人和婦女之間的社會契約而設

我們，________和_________，被我們自己的願望感動，為了我們生命的延續，為了我們共同意向的延續，在下述的狀況下，聯合我們自己：我們打算並且希望使我們的財產變為公有，同時保留自己的權利，來為了孩子、為了我們特別愛的人而分割，“我們”互相承認我們的財產直接屬於我們的孩子，不管他們從哪張床來。他們都有無差別的權利來繼承那認他們的父親和母親的名字，且我們有責任同意那懲罰拋棄自己親生孩子（原文為血）的行為的法律。我們同樣認為，如果離婚，我們自己有義務分割財產，提前留下法律規定的給孩子的一份。“另外”，如果婚姻圓滿，一方死亡，他應當把他那一半的財產留給孩子。如果一方死亡時沒有孩子，另一方有權繼承遺產，除非死者要把他那一半的財產留給他認為值得給的另外的人。

That is approximately the formula for the marriage act I propose for execution. Upon reading this strange document, I see rising up against me the hypocrites, the prudes, the clergy, and the whole infernal sequence. But how is [my proposal] offers to the wise the moral means of achieving the perfection of a happy government! I am going to give in a few words the physical proof of it.The rich, childless Epicurean finds it very good to go to his poor neighbor to augment his family. When there is a law authorizing a poor man's wife to have a rich one adopt their children, the bonds of society will be strengthened and morals will be purer.This law will perhaps save the community's wealth and hold back the disorder which drives so many victims to the almshouses of shame, to a low station, and into degenerate human principles where nature has groaned for so long. May the detractors of wise philosophy then cease to cry out against primitive morals, or may they lose their point in the source of their citations.

這正是我提議實行的婚姻法案。在讀了這篇奇談怪論（原文為奇異的文檔）之後，我看到，許多人起來反對我，有偽君子，極端分子（原文prudes），教士，以及整個地獄世界。但是“我的提議”為實現一個幸福政府的完美提供了多麼明智的道德行徑！我將用一些詞句來實證這一點。富裕的、沒有孩子的伊壁鳩魯（古希臘哲學家）發現，到他的窮鄰居那裡去，是擴大家庭的好辦法。如果有一部法律批准一個貧窮男人的妻子可以讓一個富人來收養自己的孩子，社會關係就會強化，道德也會更純潔。這部法律也許會節省社會的財富，並減少混亂，這把那麼多的受害者驅趕到恥辱的濟貧院、到一個低下的層次、到墮落的人類原則，這個自然已經渴望了很久。在那時，智慧哲學的詆毀者們“反對女權的人”或許會停下來，向簡單的道德高喊反對，或者他們也許會失去他們依據的源頭。

Moreover, I would like a law which would assist widows and young girls deceived by the false promises of a man to whom they were attached; I would like, I say, this law to force an inconstant man to hold to his obligation or at least [to pay] an indemnity equal to his wealth.Again, I would like this law to be rigorous against women, at least those who have the effrontery to have recourse to a law which they themselves had violated by their misconduct, if proof of that were given.At the same time,as I showed in Le Bon heur prim it if de l'homme,in 1788, that prostitutes should be placed in designated quarters. It is not prostitutes who contribute most to the depravity of morals, it is the women of society. In regenerating the latter,the former are changed. This link of fraternal union will first bring disorder,but in consequence it will produce at the end a perfect harmony.

此外，我希望有一部法律，來幫助寡婦和被一個作虛假承諾的男人欺騙而愛上他的年輕姑娘。我希望，我說，這部法律能迫使一個反覆無常的男人承擔義務，或至少是“支付”與他的財產相稱的賠償。“反之”，我也希望這部法律嚴格約束婦女，至少是那些被證實做出了淫亂之事而違反了法律、卻想得到這法律支持的女人。與此同時，正如我在1788年的《原始人的幸福》（原文為LeBonheurprimitivedel'homme）中說的，妓女應該被列在指定的崗位。並不是妓女帶來了多大多數道德墮落，而是社會上的婦女。如果後者得到新生，前者也將被改變。這種同志般的聯合關係開始會帶來混亂，但最終它會帶來完美的和諧。

I offer a foolproof way to elevate the soul of women; it is to join them to all the activities of man; if man persists in finding this way impractical, let him share his fortune with woman, not at his caprice, but by the wisdom of laws. Prejudice falls, morals are purified, and nature regains all her rights. Add to this the marriage of priests and the streng the ning of the king on his throne, and the French government cannot fail.

我提供一個萬無一失的辦法來提升婦女的精神；這就是讓她們參加男人的所有活動；如果男人堅持說這辦法行不通，就讓他們和婦女分享機會吧，不由他的狂想，而由法律的智慧。偏見消除，道德凈化，自然復得她的一切權利。加上神父的婚姻、強化寶座上的國王，法國政府不會失敗。

It would be very necessary to say a few words on the troubles which are said to be caused by the decree in favor of colored men in our islands. There is where nature shudders with horror; there is where reason and humanity have still not touched callous souls; there,especially, is where division and discord stir up their inhabitants. It is not difficult to divine the instigators of these incendiary fermentations; they are even in the midst of the National Assembly; they ignite the fire in Europe which must inflame America.Colonists make a claim to reign as despots over the men whose fathers and brothers they are; and,dis owning the rights of nature, they trace the source of [their rule] to the scan tiest tint of their blood. These inhuman colonists say: our blood flows in their veins, but we will shed it all if necessary to glut our greed or our blind ambition. It is inthese places nearest to nature where the father scorns the son; deaf to the cries of blood, they stifle all its attraction; what can be hoped from the resistance opposed to them?To constrain [blood] violently is to render it terrible; to leave[blood] still en chained is to direct all calamities towards America. Adivine hand seems to spread liberty abroad throughout the realms of man; only the law has the right to curb this liberty if it degenerates into license,but it must be equal for all; liberty must hold the National Assembly to its decree dictated by prudence and justice.May it act the same way for the state of France and render her as attentive to new abuses as she was to the ancient ones which each day become more dreadful.My opinion would be to reconcile the executive and legislative power, for it seems to me that the one is everything ad the other is nothing - whence comes, unfortunately perhaps, the loss of the French Empire. Ithink that these two powers, like man and woman, should be united but equal inforce and virtue to make a good household. . . .

有必要用幾句話說那些據說是由支持我們島嶼上的有色人種的法案帶來的困擾。這就是自然在恐懼中戰慄的地方；這就是理性和人性還沒有感動冷漠的靈魂的地方；尤其是，這就是分裂和紛爭激起它們居民的地方。不難預測煽動者的煽動性的紛擾；他們甚至就在國民大會的會場；他們點燃歐洲的火焰，那必將映紅美洲。殖民地居民認為他們要像暴君一樣凌駕於他們的父兄之上；而且，沒有自然的權利，他們發現了他們對他們血液的淡色的“統治”的源頭。這些無人性的殖民者說：我們的血液流過他們的血管，但是必要時我們會讓它全部流出，以實現我們的貪慾或我們瞎眼的野心。那是離自然最近的地方，父親鄙視兒子；聽不見血的呼喊，他們鎮壓它一切地吸引；從對他們的反抗中能指望什麼呢？暴力約束“血”就是在反過來使它變可怕；讓“血”繼續被束縛就是讓一切災難降臨美洲。神似乎超出國界，在整個人類中傳播自由；只有法律才有權約束這自由，如果它墮落為特許，不過這必須對一切人平等；自由必須讓國民大會堅持它因智慧和公正發布的命令。願它對法蘭西國同樣做，並反過來使她像她對古代的使日子一天天變可怕的惡習那樣對新的惡習保持關注。我的觀點是，使行政和立法權力一致，因為我覺得其中一個是一切，而另一個什麼也不是——不幸的是，也許這是從以前的法蘭西帝國那裡來的。我想這兩權，正如男人和女人，應當聯合，但在權利和首先上平等，來創造一個更好的家庭……